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Comment on the National Indigenous Council’s Indigenous Land Tenure Principles from a Native Title Perspective Jason Behrendt [1] Introduction The need to improve the economic circumstances of Aboriginal people is obviously an issue of great importance. Government interest in improving the ability of Aboriginal people to achieve their personal goals, whether it be individual home ownership on their own country or otherwise, is a matter which should be welcomed. However, it is equally important that any measures aimed at achieving those goals respect the basic human rights of Aboriginal peoples and respect their property interests. Unfortunately, the current debate on improving ‘social and economic’ outcomes for Aboriginal people from their land, appears to be driven by ideology rather than sound research and analysis. With the Prime Minister indicating that he is interested in the issue [2], and with a Government with a newly formed Senate majority, a significant development which may guide how the government may approach this issue has been the development of ‘Indigenous Land Tenure Principles’ (‘the NIC Principles’) by the National Indigenous Council (‘NIC’) which have been delivered to the Ministerial Taskforce on Indigenous Affairs.[3] The NIC Principles have received broad criticism from Indigenous leaders [4] and it is not hard to see why. The NIC’s Land Tenure Principles The NIC Principles are as follows:
These principles are directed to Aboriginal land generally and not just native title. However, in terms of legislative measures which the Commonwealth is primarily responsible for, the NIC Principles must be primarily directed towards the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) (‘ALRA’) and native title rights and interests as protected under the NTA. Although much could be said about the appropriateness of the NIC Principles for guidance of policy with respect to the ALRA, the observations in this paper are only directed to the significance of the NIC Principles to native title and the NTA. In this regard, Principles 1 and 2 are uncontroversial. While comment could be made in relation to Principle 3, it is the fourth and fifth principles which demand the most scrutiny. Principle 4 It is through NIC Principle 4 that the NIC has raised the issue of mandatory leasing of Aboriginal land. The principle itself refers to “involuntary measures” and the potential for the government to achieve the goals set out in Principle 3 through "compulsory acquisition” of Aboriginal land. While these measures are stated to be “as a last resort” they are nonetheless endorsed as a possible means to achieve the ends of the other principles. The NIC could have, for example, drafted principles stating that there be no ‘involuntary measures’ or that no interference with native title rights and interests should occur without the consent of traditional owners. However, such directions are absent from the current principles. A number of points can be made in relation to Principle 4.
Principle 5 Given the failings of Principle 4, the open-ended nature of NIC Principle 5 is also of considerable concern. Principle 5 is an open-ended NIC endorsement for the Government to rework policies and legislation. It does not identify any specific legislative change. Far from the NIC providing any direction on the matter, it is left to the Commonwealth to determine what legislative change may be required. The motivation for the NIC to put forward such an invitation is not apparent. It is more than possible that once the need to amend the NTA is raised, changes may not be limited to the matters that the NIC want to promote. Given this likelihood, it is most perplexing that despite advocating legislative change, the NIC has not identified any failing of the existing NTA to provide for leases for individuals and families of native title land. The NTA already provides a clear process for dealings in land to occur with the consent of traditional owners through Indigenous Land Use Agreements. [12] Those provisions are broad enough to enable the creation of leases to individuals or families if they are desired and authorised by the relevant native title holders or claimants. Importantly, those provisions put in place procedures that require that those interests are created with the consent of traditional owners. The NIC has not identified any deficiency in these provisions which would justify the re-examination of the NTA which is now being suggested in Principle 5. It is unfortunate that the NIC has plunged into endorsing unidentified legislative change without a full consideration of the adequacy of existing regimes or how the ability for Aboriginal people to improve economic development on Indigenous land could not be achieved through policy change in existing legislative frameworks. [13] Amendments to the NTA can not of itself achieve any increase in individual ownership of interests in land. Inappropriate Preoccupation With Privatising Indigenous Land The inadequacy of the NIC Principles also extends to their silence on the other more direct means by which native title holders have been denied the benefit of generating economic benefits from their country. The preoccupation with privatising Aboriginal land seems to have led other more significant barriers to wealth creation in remote communities. Economic development in rural and remote parts of the country are largely dependent on primary production and access to natural resources. However, the primary policy response of Governments since the recognition of native title has consistently been to ensure non-Aboriginal people’s exploitation of natural resources on Indigenous land can continue. The entire future act regime in the NTA is aimed at that purpose. The protections afforded to Aboriginal people under that regime are minimal. In relation to most activities they amount to no more than a ‘right to comment’ on the proposal. While the right to negotiate provisions in Sub-division P of the NTA are more substantive, they too have their limitations. Despite the recognition of native title in 1992 Government policy and legislative reform in the area of land and resource management has never developed to adequately include Indigenous people. They have instead sought to maintain the status quo which was premised on the doctrine of terra nullius. In New South Wales for example, since the recognition of native title, water economies have been reformed to the exclusion of Indigenous interests. Share-market fisheries have been created without any regard to involving Aboriginal people in the industry. In both NSW and Queensland, National Parks have been created without regard to their impacts on Aboriginal economic activities. The reluctance to concede any right to Aboriginal people in the ownership and exploitation of natural resources has been reflected by the approach of Governments in the litigation of the native title cases to date. Governments have strenuously opposed any right of Aboriginal people to trade in natural resources or any commercial exploitation of natural resources. Ownership of natural resources such as minerals has also been opposed. Many governments have to date been reluctant to recognise even the most basic of native title rights and interests in land. The Commonwealth has been particularly litigious and there has been more than one instance where a settlement of a native title claim has been scuttled or delayed because of the Commonwealth Government’s approach to mediation. [14] It seems to the writer to be more than curious that there is such a current preoccupation with privatising Indigenous interests in land when Governments create such enormous hurdles to the recognition of those interests in the first place. In the context of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) at least, the preoccupation with privatising Indigenous interests in land is little more than a diversion to what are really more substantive barriers to Indigenous wealth creation. Where Court’s have found in the favour of Governments in relation to these issues, the injustice which flows to Indigenous people has not been remedied through changes in Government policy. In the Wellesley Island Sea Claim [15], for example, the Court made a factual finding that under their own laws and customs, the Lardil, Yangkaal, Gangalidda and Kaiadilt people owned their sea country and were entitled to give or withhold their permission to the accessing and taking of resources from that area. Those rights could not be recognised as native title rights, not because they did not exist, but because of the inherent limitations on native title identified in the Croker Island case [16]. The effect is that those Peoples have been deprived of the ability to control and exploit the most significant resource in their country capable of being developed into a sustainable industry for their community. Even at present, the Queensland Government is creating a developmental fishery right on their doorstep in a manner which does not involve the Aboriginal community, does not guarantee a single job and which will only cause animosity to the traditional owners of the area concerned. It is a pity that in purporting to develop principles for improving ‘social and economic’ outcomes for Aboriginal people from their land, the NIC has chosen to ignore these important and fundamental issues. Questions of Process and Consultation Finally, it is relevant to say something about the process
by which the NIC Principles appear to have been adopted by the NIC and
recommended to the Ministerial Taskforce.
The Terms of Reference for the NIC reflect that view [18]. The Minister went on to note that:
However, it can not be reasonably expected that all members of the NIC will have appropriate expertise on all matters which are put before them. As NIC Member, Mary Ann Bin-Salik was reported as saying in response to a question as to why the NIC had called for compulsory acquisition of Aboriginal land:
It is probably for this reason that it is expected that the NIC “will use its contacts and networks to assist consultation.” [21] Although it is not clear what resources are being made available to the NIC to consult with bodies which may have particular expertise in relation to matters under its consideration, it is essential that the NIC ensure that it obtains such advice and not take action or make recommendations until that process is complete. However, that is not what has occurred in the development of the Land Tenure Principles. Drafts of the Principles were circulated by the NIC at the National Aboriginal Representative Bodies Conference in Coffs Harbour on 1-3 June 2005. Representative Bodies were invited to respond to those by 15 June 2005. It is not clear why there was such a rush to finalise the principles in that timeframe even though it was far too short to allow full consideration of the issues raised in the Principles and to provide a detailed response. Notwithstanding the timeframe, a number of responses were forwarded to the NIC. The writer, is aware that many of the concerns outlined out above in relation to Principles 4 and 5 were forwarded by the Carpentaria Land Council Aboriginal Corporation (‘CLCAC’) to the NIC in a submission dated 15 June 2005 for the purposes of their consideration of the appropriateness of the Principles [22]. The CLCAC requested in that letter that its concerns be tabled at the meeting of the NIC. The Queensland Indigenous Working Group also forwarded a submission on behalf of Aboriginal representative bodies in Queensland objecting to the principles. Notwithstanding these representations the NIC has proceeded to endorse the Principles [23]. Why the NIC ignored the advice of these organisations which deal with the interests of native title holders on a daily basis are unclear. In such circumstances it would be expected that the NIC would have been able to provide a better justification for the Principles than what has been provided to date. [24] In its Third Communique the NIC explained: “A working group should be established that includes Indigenous experts and other stakeholders, to advise on all issues for effective consultation.” [25] NIC Chairperson Sue Gordon has been reported as explaining “We’ve made some recommendations to government on how they can go about talking to people, that’s all.” [26] In the first place it can be noted that this intention is not reflected in the NIC Principles which were provided to the Government. More fundamentally, if the NIC is acknowledging that it does not have the appropriate expertise to deal with these issues, then it beggars belief that the NIC would endorse the Land Tenure Principles and forward them to the Ministerial Task Force prior to the establishment of a Working Group that would be in a better position to determine whether the Principles are appropriate.
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